PublicationsPublicaties
Peer-reviewed publicationsPeer-reviewed publicaties
2026
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Greater intra-party democracy in candidate selection has different effects on gender, ethnicity and classElectoral Studies
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Parliamentary AffairsThe presence of women in parliament has been linked with substantial changes that may reduce hostility in parliamentary venues. One way to test this notion is to study interactions during parliamentary debates. The goal of this article is two-fold: firstly, we examine whether there is a gender difference in the chance individual politicians are interrupted during parliamentary debates. Secondly, we study whether the increasing presence of women in parliamentary debates can lower the adversarial and hostile nature of parliamentary debates in general. Using longitudinal data on over 108,000 parliamentary speeches from Australia, Croatia, and the UK made in over 1,000 debates, we find that there is no gender difference in the chance individual politicians get interrupted. Yet, there is a possibility that politicians are less likely to be interrupted when more women participate in a debate. These results suggest that the inclusion of women in parliamentary debates could have important implications for how interactions during debates take place. The presence of women in parliament has been linked with substantial changes that may reduce hostility in parliamentary venues. One way to test this notion is to study interactions during parliamentary debates. The goal of this article is two-fold: firstly, we examine whether there is a gender difference in the chance individual politicians are interrupted during parliamentary debates. Secondly, we study whether the increasing presence of women in parliamentary debates can lower the adversarial and hostile nature of parliamentary debates in general. Using longitudinal data on over 108,000 parliamentary speeches from Australia, Croatia, and the UK made in over 1,000 debates, we find that there is no gender difference in the chance individual politicians get interrupted. Yet, there is a possibility that politicians are less likely to be interrupted when more women participate in a debate. These results suggest that the inclusion of women in parliamentary debates could have important implications for how interactions during debates take place.
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Targeting politicians, triggering participation? The (gendered) effect of violence against politicians on citizens' political engagementEuropean Journal of Politics and Gender, pp. 1–26Intimidation, harassment and violence are increasingly a part of politics. While existing research explores the character and impact on candidates, elected representatives and politics in general, less is known about the impact on citizens as bystanders. This article addresses this gap, investigating how learning about violence against a politician influences citizens’ own willingness to participate in politics and their political ambition. We test this using a factorial survey experiment on more than 25,000 respondents in Belgium and the Netherlands. We find that future political engagement, that is, both political ambition and political participation, is not affected by learning about violence against a politician, regardless of the location of the incident (private versus public sphere) or the gender of the victim. However, respondents do perceive politics as a less safe environment when confronted with a story about violence towards an elected representative. Intimidation, harassment and violence are increasingly a part of politics. While existing research explores the character and impact on candidates, elected representatives and politics in general, less is known about the impact on citizens as bystanders. This article addresses this gap, investigating how learning about violence against a politician influences citizens’ own willingness to participate in politics and their political ambition. We test this using a factorial survey experiment on more than 25,000 respondents in Belgium and the Netherlands. We find that future political engagement, that is, both political ambition and political participation, is not affected by learning about violence against a politician, regardless of the location of the incident (private versus public sphere) or the gender of the victim. However, respondents do perceive politics as a less safe environment when confronted with a story about violence towards an elected representative.
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Acta PoliticaRecent studies have shown that political information directly associated with a real-world leader tends to generate more (affective) polarization compared to similar information tied to a more impersonal source, such as a political party. The phenomenon is explained by the catalyzing role of leaders in the public’s inclination to maximize distinctiveness with outgroups. Leaders are used as stereotypical yardsticks based on their structural position and external visibility in (negative) campaigns. We link the preceding findings from the source cue literature to the preferential voting literature because a vote for a candidate or the party as a whole also is a source cue proxy. Concretely, we test whether voters casting a preference vote for an electoral leader are more affectively polarized than party voters by relying on the Belgian RepResent panel survey for the last parliamentary elections of 2019. This context provides an adequate electoral setting and adequate indicators to measure affective polarization and to distinguish (centralized) preference voters and party voters. Our findings show that (centralized) preference voters are indeed more affectively polarized and this can primarily be explained by a short(er)-term negative campaigning mechanism. Recent studies have shown that political information directly associated with a real-world leader tends to generate more (affective) polarization compared to similar information tied to a more impersonal source, such as a political party. The phenomenon is explained by the catalyzing role of leaders in the public’s inclination to maximize distinctiveness with outgroups. Leaders are used as stereotypical yardsticks based on their structural position and external visibility in (negative) campaigns. We link the preceding findings from the source cue literature to the preferential voting literature because a vote for a candidate or the party as a whole also is a source cue proxy. Concretely, we test whether voters casting a preference vote for an electoral leader are more affectively polarized than party voters by relying on the Belgian RepResent panel survey for the last parliamentary elections of 2019. This context provides an adequate electoral setting and adequate indicators to measure affective polarization and to distinguish (centralized) preference voters and party voters. Our findings show that (centralized) preference voters are indeed more affectively polarized and this can primarily be explained by a short(er)-term negative campaigning mechanism.
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Journalism & Mass Communication QuarterlyThe (under)representation of women in the news has received much attention in scholarly research. Using a population dataset of news broadcasts in Belgium, this article describes how gender equality has changed over time (2003–2021) and investigates which factors explain the presence (or absence) of women as speaking actors in the news. The findings reveal a structural underrepresentation of women in the news, but a slow increase in their presence over time. Overall, women are more equally represented in softer news topics or in non-elite roles. Remarkable is that women journalists tend to interview more female sources than their male counterparts. The (under)representation of women in the news has received much attention in scholarly research. Using a population dataset of news broadcasts in Belgium, this article describes how gender equality has changed over time (2003–2021) and investigates which factors explain the presence (or absence) of women as speaking actors in the news. The findings reveal a structural underrepresentation of women in the news, but a slow increase in their presence over time. Overall, women are more equally represented in softer news topics or in non-elite roles. Remarkable is that women journalists tend to interview more female sources than their male counterparts.
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Women's Studies International ForumStudies of candidate selection have shown that formal rules alone cannot explain the low number of female candidates. Scholarship focusing on both demand and supply sides of political recruitment, and those attentive to the interplay between formal and informal rules, provide fuller explanations. This article shows how informal and formal rules interact in accommodating and competitive ways to produce differing gendered effects within nine Dutch political parties. Formal rules were mapped by content analysis, and informal rules from 23 semi-structured elite interviews. The findings show that the institutional rules and norms which positively increase the selection of male candidates are: being an active party member; having political experience; the incumbency bonus. This study contributes to established literature(s) on the underrepresentation of women by studying candidate selection across parties, with specific emphasis upon the interplay between formal and informal rules and their gendered effects, through the lens of feminist institutionalism. Studies of candidate selection have shown that formal rules alone cannot explain the low number of female candidates. Scholarship focusing on both demand and supply sides of political recruitment, and those attentive to the interplay between formal and informal rules, provide fuller explanations. This article shows how informal and formal rules interact in accommodating and competitive ways to produce differing gendered effects within nine Dutch political parties. Formal rules were mapped by content analysis, and informal rules from 23 semi-structured elite interviews. The findings show that the institutional rules and norms which positively increase the selection of male candidates are: being an active party member; having political experience; the incumbency bonus. This study contributes to established literature(s) on the underrepresentation of women by studying candidate selection across parties, with specific emphasis upon the interplay between formal and informal rules and their gendered effects, through the lens of feminist institutionalism.
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Politics of the Low CountriesThe underrepresentation of women can be partly attributed to political parties: when selecting candidates, parties recruit fewer women than men. A common justification is that there are not enough ambitious women in the party. In this article, we test this claim by answering (i) whether women express less political ambition than men; (ii) whether this has changed over time; and iii) whether and how internal political efficacy influences political ambition. Based on three survey waves among Dutch party members, we conclude that women are to the same extent as men attracted by a political function when becoming a party member. Moreover, there has been no change in political ambition over time. Lastly, we find that internal political efficacy mediates the effect of gender on political ambition. This article thus shows that there is only a small gender gap in ambition and that there are ambitious women in Dutch political parties. The underrepresentation of women can be partly attributed to political parties: when selecting candidates, parties recruit fewer women than men. A common justification is that there are not enough ambitious women in the party. In this article, we test this claim by answering (i) whether women express less political ambition than men; (ii) whether this has changed over time; and iii) whether and how internal political efficacy influences political ambition. Based on three survey waves among Dutch party members, we conclude that women are to the same extent as men attracted by a political function when becoming a party member. Moreover, there has been no change in political ambition over time. Lastly, we find that internal political efficacy mediates the effect of gender on political ambition. This article thus shows that there is only a small gender gap in ambition and that there are ambitious women in Dutch political parties.
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Politics of the Low CountriesThe underrepresentation of women in politics is a worldwide phenomenon and the Netherlands fit the pattern: about 39% of the Dutch MPs are female. Based on social role incongruity theory, it is expected that female politicians are evaluated more negatively than male politicians since women do not fit the dominant male politician role. However, most research is conducted in the United States, that is, a candidate-centred system where individual characteristics play an important role. This article focuses on the party-centred parliamentary context in which we examine (1) whether gender stereotypes are present among citizens and (2) to what extent these stereotypes influence the evaluation of politicians. We do this by conducting an experimental vignette survey design. We find that at the mass level there is no difference between the evaluation of male and female politicians, although gender stereotypes are present. The underrepresentation of women in politics is a worldwide phenomenon and the Netherlands fit the pattern: about 39% of the Dutch MPs are female. Based on social role incongruity theory, it is expected that female politicians are evaluated more negatively than male politicians since women do not fit the dominant male politician role. However, most research is conducted in the United States, that is, a candidate-centred system where individual characteristics play an important role. This article focuses on the party-centred parliamentary context in which we examine (1) whether gender stereotypes are present among citizens and (2) to what extent these stereotypes influence the evaluation of politicians. We do this by conducting an experimental vignette survey design. We find that at the mass level there is no difference between the evaluation of male and female politicians, although gender stereotypes are present.
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Acta PoliticaThis article examines the media coverage of vote intention polls in the Netherlands. We assess whether the quality of media reporting on polls depends on the availability of information regarding the quality in pollster’s reports. Our analysis of the quality looks at three different quality measures: (1) mentioning WAPOR items, such as field dates, sampling method, and polling method, (2) mentioning the margin of error, and (3) the correct interpretation of (in)significant changes and differences. The Netherlands provides an interesting case, because there is variation over time and across pollsters in the way they report their polls as well as the increased popularity of a polling aggregator. Our findings indicate that the overall quality of Dutch coverage of polls is low. When a pollster mentions the margin of error in its report, media reports on that poll are more likely to include this information and to correctly interpret the significance of differences between two parties. This effect is particularly visible when the pollster provides uncertainty intervals in its headline figures. This article examines the media coverage of vote intention polls in the Netherlands. We assess whether the quality of media reporting on polls depends on the availability of information regarding the quality in pollster’s reports. Our analysis of the quality looks at three different quality measures: (1) mentioning WAPOR items, such as field dates, sampling method, and polling method, (2) mentioning the margin of error, and (3) the correct interpretation of (in)significant changes and differences. The Netherlands provides an interesting case, because there is variation over time and across pollsters in the way they report their polls as well as the increased popularity of a polling aggregator. Our findings indicate that the overall quality of Dutch coverage of polls is low. When a pollster mentions the margin of error in its report, media reports on that poll are more likely to include this information and to correctly interpret the significance of differences between two parties. This effect is particularly visible when the pollster provides uncertainty intervals in its headline figures.
Working PapersWorking Papers
Pre-prints and papers under review. Pre-prints en papers onder review.
Inclusive selectorates, unrepresentative candidate lists? On inclusivity versus representativeness in candidate selection processes
Inclusive selectorates, unrepresentative candidate lists? On inclusivity versus representativeness in candidate selection processes
Forthcoming, Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties (JEPOP)
Forthcoming, Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties (JEPOP)
Candidate selection procedures are often cited as a reason for the underrepresentation of women. This article focuses on the role of party members, who have become more influential as candidate selection procedures have grown more inclusive. While theory often assumes a negative relationship between inclusivity and representativeness, empirical findings are mixed. Using a ranked conjoint experiment among Dutch party members, this study examines how party members evaluate and rank candidates under different selection settings. I find no evidence that more inclusive selection procedures lead to less gender-balanced candidate lists. Party members show a preference for women candidates but place even greater weight on incumbency and party activity. As access to these resources remains unequally distributed, women still face an indirect disadvantage in candidate selection.
Candidate selection procedures are often cited as a reason for the underrepresentation of women. This article focuses on the role of party members, who have become more influential as candidate selection procedures have grown more inclusive. While theory often assumes a negative relationship between inclusivity and representativeness, empirical findings are mixed. Using a ranked conjoint experiment among Dutch party members, this study examines how party members evaluate and rank candidates under different selection settings. I find no evidence that more inclusive selection procedures lead to less gender-balanced candidate lists. Party members show a preference for women candidates but place even greater weight on incumbency and party activity. As access to these resources remains unequally distributed, women still face an indirect disadvantage in candidate selection.
Mobilizing or demobilizing? A factorial survey experiment on violence against politicians and citizens' political participation
Mobiliserend of demobiliserend? Een factorieel surveyexperiment over geweld tegen politici en burgerparticipatie
Pre-print available · Under review
Pre-print beschikbaar · Onder review
Pre-print
🏆 Best Paper Award, ECPR Standing Group on Political Violence · 2025Best Paper Award, ECPR Standing Group on Political Violence · 2025
Dutch Election StudiesKiezersonderzoek
Non-peer-reviewed contributions to the Dutch Parliamentary Election Study (NKO/SKON). Niet peer-reviewed bijdragen aan het Nationaal Kiezersonderzoek (NKO/SKON).
Perceptions of party division among voters
Kiezerspercepties van partijverdeeldheid
OngoingLopend
NKO (Dutch Parliamentary Election Study) · 2025
NKO (Nationaal Kiezersonderzoek) · 2025
Verruwing in de politiek: hoe kiezers conflict en geweld in de politiek ervaren
In: De verkiezingen van 2023: 'Van Onderstroom naar Doorbraak: Onvrede en Migratie', pp. 46–54. Stichting KiezersOnderzoek Nederland (SKON), 2024.
In: De verkiezingen van 2023: 'Van Onderstroom naar Doorbraak: Onvrede en Migratie', pp. 46–54. Stichting KiezersOnderzoek Nederland (SKON), 2024.